p.18

II. 3 By Order of Jupiter

About 225 meters north of where the two inscriptions of the votive games and the five monumental masks were discovered was found in 1890 a simple marble tablet whose text has generated much discussion²⁰. (See plan 2, no. 1.) Although it lacks some fragments from the upper corners, its purport has remained intelligible. To all appearances it was erected by a magister vici who dates his offering both by the consular year of (1 January to 30 June) A. D. 1 and by the neighborhood’s era, year nine, evidently as a New Year’s offering. Accordingly, the compital era of this neighborhood commenced in 8 B. C., the year when games for Augustus’s return were given somewhere near or on the Caelian Hill (see above, II. 1). This foundation date may reflect Augustus’s building program for this zone in consequence of flooding. Although at least twelve divinities (to whom three were later added) received the dedication, it was prompted by the bidding of only one of them, Jupiter. The place where it was found lies at the downstream end p.19 of the Lungotevere Marzio where the Via di Monte Brianzo joins it. In a word it stood on the Tiber River embankment.

In the following text the italicized names of three divinities in lines 1 and 17 are thought to be additions and those in line 17 later than that of line 1²¹.

	Mercurio aeterno deo Io[vi] [I]unoni Regin(ae), Min[ervae], [Sol]i, Lunae, Apol[lini],
5	[Dia]nae, Fortuna[e, Iunoni] [Luci]nae, Opi, Isi Pe[lagiae], [_±_7_] v Fati[i]s D[ivinis], [quod bo]num [faustum] [vacat feli]xque [siet vacat]
10	imp(eratorì) Caesari Augus[to, Genio] eius, senati populi[q(ue) Romani], et gentibus, nono (anno] intro eunte felic[iter vacat] C(aio) Caesare L(ucio) vacat Pau[llo co(n)s(ulibus)],
15	L(ucius) Lucretius L(uci) l(ibertus) Zethus iussu Iovis aram Augustam Salus Semonia posuit Populi Victoria

Before appending a brief commentary to the text, I recall that the votive games for Jupiter on behalf of the return of Augustus were held nearby and the hypothesis that Augustus had given a statue of Jupiter the Tragic Player to a neighborhood in this sector. In this inscription Jupiter has bidden Lucretius give the August altar not merely to himself but to the other two divinities of the Capitoline triad, Juno and Minerva, then to the two pairs of Sun and Moon and of Apollo and Diana and, as I will suggest, to another divine pair of Isis and one of her male associates.

As we now know, Mommsen at first believed that the inscription was to be related to the newly discovered fragments of the proceedings of the Secular Games, discovered some 650 meters to the west of this find, and also by the Tiber bank²². Of the gods to whom Lucretius Zethus dedicated the altar, Fortuna and Isis (with a male divinity?) cannot be p.20 directly attributed to the Secular Games or to their related ceremonies. Of those attributed divinities only Ops perhaps did not receive cult, but in this text she may stand in for the absent and important Terra Mater. For the deities and rites of the Secular Games we are especially well informed. Fragments of the inscribed proceedings of Augustus’s ceremonies in 17 B. C. survive; to a very slight extent fragments of the inscribed proceedings of Claudius’s ceremonies in A. D. 47 were found in the nineteenth century; and, to a great extent the lengthy acta of the ceremonies of Septimius Severus and Caracalla, held in A. D. 204, were found in both 1890—91 and 1930. In addition, Domitian issued coins illustrating his Secular Games. The Severan emperors and Philip the Arab would follow suit. Besides these documents of an official kind we have the two Augustan poems of Horace: his famous Secular Hymn and the ode he wrote on the rehearsal of the chorus for the performance of the Hymn²³.

Comment on CIL VI 30975

Line 1. See on line 17.

Line 2. Aeterno deo. The nearest analogue comes from the Feriale Cumanum(A. D. 4—14) wherein the supplication commemorating Augustus’s first assumption of the fasces was made to Iovi Sempi[terno]²⁴. The pontiffs were said to pray Iuppiter optime maxime sive quo alto nomine te appellari volueris²⁵. Aeternus and sempiternus were probably attached to Jupiter because of his heavenly realm since the word aeternus had been previously used to describe the augural sections of the sky²⁶. In the proceedings of the Augustan games are met entire or partly restored words of prayer addressed to the several gods uti… incolumitatem sempiternam, victoriam, valetudinem p. R. Quiritibus duis or duitis²⁷. After the deification of the dead Augustus he is associated on a coin of Spanish Tarraco with a temple of the Aeternitas Augusta²⁸. This new notion may be derived from Jupiter’s prior eternity or from the eternity of the Roman “name”²⁹. Horace expressed the notion by attributing to Apollo remque Romanam Latiumque felix, / alterum in lustrum meliusque semper / p.21 prorogat aevom³⁰. In the acta of the Secular Games Jupiter is always given his epithets Optimus Maximus, as also in the records of the votive games for Augustus’s return, but on this inscription the epithets are omitted. This is worth emphasizing for the reason that Juno’s epithet Regina is not omitted since, I argue below, she also appears in the text as Juno Lucina. The Secular sacrifices for Jupiter Best and Greatest occurred on the Capitol³¹.

Line 3. Juno Regina received Secular sacrifice also on the Capitol after Jupiter³². Minerva has an uncertain place in any of the several surviving accounts and records of the Secular Games³³. Doubtless she also stands in this text to complete the Capitoline triad. It follows that the Jupiter in line 2 was considered Optimus Maximus.

Line 4. In none of the surviving lines of the acta stands the name of Sol or Luna, who are counterpoised here to Apollo and Diana. They are met, however, in Horace³⁴. Apart from Augustus’s dedication of obelisks, this inscription is the oldest dated dedication to the Sun God in Rome³⁵. Although I consider the presence of the Sun and the Moon divinities solely attributable to the notions attaching to the Secular Games, two other factors may contribute to or reinforce their precedence over Apollo and Diana. First of all, there stood little more than 500 meters to the east of this site the obelisk installed as the pointer of his enormous sundial³⁶. (See Plan 1.) Second, and perhaps coincidentally, the Roman moneyer, L. Lucretius Trio minted in 76 B. C. a denarius whose obverse exhibited the radiate head of the Sun and reverse the lunar crescent surrounded by seven stars. The stars refer to the constellation of the Triones and make the moneyer’s type parlant³⁷. It would be an act of deep faith to link directly the freedman L. Lucretius Zethus with L. Lucretius Trio nearly eighty years earlier. But Apollo and his sister Diana, restored in the next Line 5, are amply documented in the p.22 proceedings and the poetry of the Secular Games. Joint sacrifice was made to them on the Palatine Hill³⁸. Fortuna is not found in the accounts or records of the Secular ceremonies. Space permits restoration of Junoni / Luci[nae. By the two epithets she is here distinguished from Juno Regina of line 3. Uniformly her Greek counterpart receives the nocturnal sacrifice at the Tiber river under the guise of the (plural) Ilithyiae³⁹. As a singular goddess Horace addresses her as Ilithyia, Lucina and Genitalis, presiding over childbirth⁴⁰. Normally the name Lucina cannot stand alone for Juno Lucina. Genitalis is unparalleled but functionally suits the poet’s needs.

Line 6. The goddess Ops apparently has no cult in the Secular Games but is recorded in fragments of the Augustan games for an occurrence ad aedem] Opis in Capitolio⁴¹. Mother Earth, Terra Mater, had an elaborate nocturnal cult with offering of a pregnant sow⁴². Perhaps in functional notion she is here represented by Plenty⁴³. If one hesitates to underscore the dedication to the Sun by referring to the obelisk of the solarium, one cannot evade the outright Egyptianness of Isis. That she is here a local goddess can be inferred from the discovery of a dedication to Harpocrates, also on the Tiber embankment, more or less 240 meters west of this inscription⁴⁴. (See Plan 2, no. 2.) To donate a figure of her baby Horus, also named Harpocrates, to Isis seems to have been normal⁴⁵. I have restored Isis’s marine epithet Pe[lagiae⁴⁶. A freedman of p.023 the emperor Galba (d. A. D. 69) was the warder of a Roman temple of Isis Pelagia⁴⁷, whose whereabouts remain unknown. Isis Pelagia protected sailors whose cult is thought to have reached Rome as early as Augustus’s reign⁴⁸. The fact remains that a dock for ships may have lain in this district at the time of this inscription⁴⁹ so that the cult of Isis Pelagia would have served the sector well⁵⁰. More pertinently Isis, especially if represented with her baby, would fit in the series of Fortuna, and Juno Lucina protecting parturition and maternity.

Line 7. Although an empty letter space stands before F, seven letters could have been carved in the line before the break on the left. Because we have the pairs Sol and Luna, and Apollo and Diana, I would suppose that after Isi Pe[lagiae was carved the name of Serapi or Osiri or Horo (Harpocrati would have been too long). The Fata D[ivina stand here for the Moerae of the Secular proceedings and the Parcae in Horace’s choral hymn who, like the Ilithyiae and Terra Mater, received nocturnal sacrifice by the Tiber bank⁵¹. The Fata Divina were later illustrated in a remarkable tomb on the Appian Way along with the lord of the Underworld. The text, belonging to the tomb of a wife of a priest of Sabazius, has legends identifying the painted figures adorning the chamber: Dis Pater, Aeracura, Fata Divina, Mercurius Nuntius, Vibia (the deceased), Alcestis, abreptio Vibies et discensio, septe(m) pii sacerdoti... bonorum iudìcìo iudicati, Vibia, angelus bonus, inductio Vibies⁵². These sepulchral fancies recall the universally acknowledged fact that the Secular Games were derived from the cult of Dis and Proserpina (here Aeracura, we presume) at the Tarentum. Yet there is not a single trace of either deity in the inscribed proceedings⁵³. In Vibia’s tomb Aeracura, whoever she was⁵⁴, stands by Dis as Proserpina does in accounts of the Tarentum of the Secular Games. The painting of the p.24 Fata Divina shows three figures, one a bearded male. In a dedication to the same Fata three pairs of feet remain on the ex viso⁵⁵. The fourth divinity commemorated in the tomb was Mercurius Nuntius, that is the well-known Hermes Psychopompus. Mercury is the god whose name was later made to head the text of our inscribed tablet⁵⁶.

Line 10. After Augus[to have been restored various nouns in the dative case that would control eius (sc. Augusti), senati and populi. They are tutelaeque (Barnabei, Mommsen), curae (Mommsen’s alternative), imperio (Von Premerstein, Huelsen, and Cavallaro in a different sense)⁵⁷. With some reluctance I propose the restoration Genio]/eius etc.⁵⁸ The dative nouns Caesari, [Genio], and gentibus depend on the prayer, “May it be good, blessed and fortunate for Caesar, for his Genius, the Genius of the Senate and the Genius of Roman People, and for the Nations”. In the famous inscription from Narbo of the year A. D. 11 by which the cult of the Numen Augusti was founded we have the opening of the prayer: “quod bonum faustum felixque sit imp. Caesari divi f. Augusto…, coniugi liberis gentique eius, senatui populoque Romano…”⁵⁹. Our choices, it seems to me, are three. First, adopt the genti and retain all three genitives eius, senati, and populi. Second, adopt genti and correct senati and populi to the dative case. Third, seek another noun for restoration as all others before me have done. The nearest to retaining both the underlying notion of the close parallel Narbonese text and the readings of this inscription is to adopt genio, related to the idea of gens as well as some of the progenerative functions inhering in the goddesses whose names have preceded this clause. In inscriptions put up by magistri vici are often met dedications Laribus Augustis et Genis Caesarum⁶⁰. Dedication to Augustus’s genius occurs late in his reign⁶¹ and is briefly kept for Tiberius⁶². Of course, the Genius populi Romani or Genius publicus is much older than the Genius of the emperor⁶³. What lies in the path of acceptance of the restoration genio is genio senati. Though it is imaginable for African town councils⁶⁴, the Genius of the Roman Senate is first publicly acknowledged on the coins of Antoninus Pius⁶⁵. Rather lamely I can but excuse the ineptitude of L. Lucretius Zethus or commend his inventiveness by analogy.

p.25 Line 12. That Zethus engaged in unique thinking seems proved by gentibus. What he means by clans or nations or, as some would have it, provinces has not been ascertained⁶⁶. Tortured as it is, the gentes may stand for the “world”, the orbis terrarum, with a play on the etymon of genius and gens. In line 13 felic[iter reminds us of the phrase in the Narbonese inscription speaking of Augustus’s birthday qua die eum saeculi felicitas orbi terrarum rectorem edidit⁶⁷, “the day when the blessedness of the era brought him forth as the guide of the world”.

Lines 12—14. The ninth year is reckoned by the compital era when Augustus reorganized the cult of Compital Lares as August lares⁶⁸. The word introeunte (written here as two words) recalls Augustus’s conversion of New Years’s gifts to costly statues for the neighborhoods⁶⁹. L. Aemilius Paullus was consul only till 1 July A. D. 1.

Line 15. Although he bears no title, Zethus seems to have been one of the four annual magistri of this neighborhood⁷⁰.

Line 16. The Jupiter who enjoined establishment of the altar to all these gods is the Jupiter Tragoedus, whose statue I suggested was given to the neighborhood, or Jupiter Best and Greatest to whom the votive games for Augustus’s return were dedicated. The altar is described as Augusta, another sign that it is furniture for a compital shrine⁷¹. Not 76 meters from the tablet was found an elaborately carved altar in the church of S. Lucia della Tinta. (See Plan 2, no. 4.) It is unusual in being the only altar found in Rome with the single word sacrum without the name of its deity⁷². I would urge that this one altar stood for all the deities listed in our tablet, too numerous to mention on the altar.

p.26 Line 17. The words Salus Semonia and Populi Victoria (in the nominative case) as well as the Mercurio of line 1 (in the dative case), are owed to one or, more likely, two subsequent carvings⁷³. Mercury might be honored anywhere⁷⁴. Salus Semonia is found otherwise only once in an alphabetical list and her function remains totally obscure⁷⁵. The proclamation of Populi Victoria seems antithetical to the many later dedications made throughout the empire to Victoria Caesaris.

To recapitulate the substance of the suggested relationship between this peculiar text and the Secular ceremonies, we recall that aside from the ever absent Dis and Proserpina, all the gods and goddesses who were worshipped at the Secular ceremonies are met on this dedication except Terra Mater. She may be represented here by Ops, by whose Capitoline temple (?) some Secular observance was marked in 17 B. C. Sol and Luna, an analogue of sorts to Apollo and Diana, are met only in Horace’s reflection on the rites. Minerva (perhaps), Fortuna, Isis Pelagia and her restored male cult-partner have no connection with the Secular Games. From a presumed dedication to Harpocrates found in the sector we infer that Isis protected the local port and its shipping.

But the Secular deities discussed here had no permanent altars for obvious reasons. They were given sacrifice on temporary altars. The altar or altars of Dis and Proserpina lay at a depth of twenty feet below grade and were uncovered only every century or century plus ten years when the extraordinary rites were required⁷⁶. Among the rites and distinct from the sacrifice given by Augustus and the Severi were counted the stage plays and the chariot races, as well as other circus business. In fact, only these activities constituted the ludi proper.

The protocol of setting up some temporary structures for stage plays and races is noted in the Augustan acta and is later observed likewise by the Severans. At the Tiber on the Campus where the Moerae had just received sacrifice: “games were given at night on the stage to which no theater had been added and no seats were placed.”⁷⁷. After the sacrifices to Jupiter (in daylight) “the Latin plays were given in the wooden theater which had been set up on the Campus along the Tiber”⁷⁸. The p.27 so-called honorary (i. e. supplementary) games were held as follows: Latin plays “in the wooden theater which is at the Tiber,” the Greek “thymelic” plays in the Theater of Pompey, and the Greek “astic” plays at the theater in the Circus Flaminius⁷⁹. The last was that theater we call by the name of Marcellus. As for the races and like games, they were held “next to that place where sacrifice had been done on the previous nights and where the theater had been set and there is a stage, turning posts were set and fourhorse cars were raced etc.”⁸⁰

Although more complex, the testimony of the Severan acta amply affirms what had been done 220 years earlier. There was a stage without a theater⁸¹. The wooden theater stood again for single events and as one of three for the “honorary” plays when it again offered the Latin plays. Pompey’s theater was the second of these; Domitian’s Music Hall, the Odeum, was the third and offered the Greek plays⁸². The distance to the theater of Marcellus from the center of ceremonies was shortened by transferring the appropriate plays to the Odeum. Although the Severi used the Circus Maximus for some chariot races and beast hunts⁸³, they also followed Augustus’s protocol and set up a circus temporalis with its own starting gate and turning posts for other races and circus entertainment. It evidently rose near the Wooden Theater, that is to say once again along the Tiber⁸⁴.

Evidence for the sites for presenting secular entertainment has been rehearsed at some length because it bears on the situation of the horse exercise ground near the Tarentum. This was called the Trigarium and will occupy the next section of this study.

A wooden theater where Latin plays were presented in daylight stood near where sacrifice was held on the Campus alongside the Tiber. Night games, however, were presented from a stage to an audience supported by neither a theater nor seats, again beside the Tiber. We read of a wooden theater and of no theater. We do not read of a temporary stage (scaena) in either case. Indeed, some of the coins commemorating Domitian’s Secular Games have long been considered to show numismatic representations of this “temporary” stage⁸⁵. That the coins show p.28 two different scaenae, if they are scaenae, presents a problem only to those who have trouble reading the proceedings. There were doubtless two permanent stages by the Tiber, one without a theater, one with a wooden theater.

The Secular Games had happened eighteen years before Jupiter bade Lucretius Zethus set up the August altar. But in the interval Jupiter Best and Greatest had witnessed in the vicinity the votive games for the return of Augustus, games that must have included stageplays. Otherwise how are we to explain the five monumental theatrical masks found with the inscribed record? If we add to this testimony the suggested installation of Jupiter the Tragic Player in this sector, we can see an avenue of keeping alive the memory of the Secular Games. The place set aside for the stageplays of the Secular Games could have been maintained, at least for a while, so that such votive games could be occasionally presented.

We do not yet have a name for the place which was on the Campus Martius beside the Tiber River. In Jerome’s notice of the last Secular Games ever given, those by Philip the Arab, the site of the stageplays is called Field of Ares (Campus Martius) which Castagnoli properly understood as that small field in its narrower sense⁸⁶.

The votive games dedicated to Jupiter for the return of Augustus, the five monumental theatrical masks in marble and Jupiter the Eternal’s inscription of a freedman in A. D. 1 testify to occupation of this quarter in the reign of the first emperor. My interpretation is that Augustus himself made the gesture of donating a very costly statue of Jupiter the Tragic Player paid for from the proceeds of his New Year’s gifts. On a subsequent New Year’s Day, an August altar was dedicated to a peculiarly diverse group of deities. Most of them in fact had received cult only as recently as 17 B. C. during the Secular ceremonies. The dedication itself is remarkable in its being among the oldest explicit Roman offerings to the Sun and to Isis. Implicit in calling the new altar augusta is the adherence to another new religious dispensation, one promoted by its very object.

²⁰CAR I—I, 47, p. 105; CIL VI 30975 = ILS 3090. It was found more or less by the ancient river embankment.

²¹CIL VI 30975; see in the last place, M. A. Cavallaro, “Un liberto ‘prega’ per Augusto e per le gentes: CIL VI 30975 (con inediti di Th. Mommsen)”, Helikon, 15—16 (1975—76), p. 146—186, a lengthy discussion of some aspects of this text. It contains the earlier bibliography on the text. On p. 151 she supplies a fine photograph that I have used to calculate the number of missing letters. Nota bene: the size and height of letters diminish as the text progresses; some letters now missing were earlier read as extant.

²²See Cavallaro (note 21), 155—156, quoting Mommsen’s correspondence. For the find-sites of the acta of the Ludi Saeculares see CAR I—H, 96 and 120, pp. 91, 97; some more fragments were found in 1930. These are the only firm indications of the site of the Tarentum where the altar of Dis and Proserpina was buried. See Plan 2.

²³For all these texts and others see I. B. (G. B.) Pighi, De Ludis Saecularibus populi Romani Quiritium, 2nd ed. (Amsterdam 1965). For Horace, the Carmen Saeculare, and the rehearsal Ode 4, 6 we have the jewel of learning that is the seventh chapter of E. Fraenkel, Horace (Oxford 1957). Also see below, n. 33.

²⁴Degrassi (above, n. 2) pp. 279, 392. In the Feriale Amerinum the apparently coordinate sacrifice of five victims was made Io]vi O(ptimo) M(aximo); see Degrassi, p. 389.

²⁵Serv. Aen. 2. 351.

²⁶Varro LL 6. 11, hinc poetae, aeterna templa caeli. See Thes. Lingu. Lat. s. v. aeternitas, cols. 1139—1140, aeternus, cols. 1142—1144. Of course, the later Jupiter deus aeternus who is the oriental ba’al, Dolichenus, should not be confused with the older Roman notion.

²⁷Pighi (above, n. 23), 114—116.

²⁸V. Ehrenberg and A. H. M. Jones, Documents Illustrating the Reigns of Augustus and Tiberius, 2nd ed. Oxford 1955, no. 107a.

²⁹ILS 157.

³⁰Carm. Saec. 66—68. Aevom is the stem of aetemus.

³¹Pighi (above, n. 23), 132, 301—302.

³²Ibid., 132, 302—303.

³³L. Moretti. “Frammenti vecchi e nuovi del Commentario dei Ludi Secoloare del 17 B. C.” Pont. Accad. Rom. Arch., Rend., ser. 3, 55—56. (1982—1984 = 1985), 362—379, esp. pp. 370ff., restores the name of Minerva in newly published fragments of the Augustan proceedings of the Secular Games that lengthen the list of deities concerned with the names of Latona, Mars and Hercules Victores, and Jupiter Stator, as well as Apollo, Diana, and Latona.

³⁴Carm. Saec. 35—36, cf. Carm. 4. 6. Phlegon of Tralles quotes the Sibyl’s prophecy linking Apollo and Helios (lines 16—18; see Pighi, above, n. 23, p. 57), but that is a witness over a century later than the inscription.

³⁵S. Panciera, "Iscrizioni senatorie di Roma e dintorni,” Titulus 4. 1 (1982), 594—596, dates to the Augustan period a base sacred to the Sun und Apollo on the grounds of the dedicant’s nume and relates the dedication to the notion of identifying Apollo and the Sun that was born in the first emperor’s reign.

³⁶See H. Buchner, “Solarium Augusti und Ara Pacis,” Roem. Mitt. 83 (1976): 319—373 & “Horologium Solarium. Vorbericht über die Ausgrabungen 1979/80,” ibid. 87 (1980): 355—373 = Die Sonnenuhr des Augustus (Mainz 1982); idem, “Horologium Augusti,” Gymnasium 90 (1983): 494—508.

³⁷M. H. Crawford, Roman Republican Coinage. 2 vols. (Cambridge 1974) no. 390/1.

³⁸Pighi (above, n. 23), 303—304; Moretti (above, n. 33), 374—379; Hor. Carm. Saec. and Carm. 4. 6.

³⁹Pighi (above, n. 23), 302. Huelsen on CIL VI 30975 reports earlier suggestions of Matris Mag]nae and Lato]nae. The latter does not complete line 5 and the former, adopted by Cavallaro, is odd when one would expect Matri deum Magnae (with or without Idaeae following). For late and ambiguous evidence of Lucina in this area see below, n. 219. Moretti (above, n. 33), 374—379, now provides (from lines 9—10 of the new fragment of the Secular proceeding) Appollinem Latonam Dianam matremq(ue)/ [deum magnam etc. He bases his restoration of the Mater Deum Magna on CIL VI 30975 which he implicitly links to the Secular deities. Further he rejects Mater Terra as abnormal order. At lines 5—6 of CIL VI 30975 there does not seem to be space for the necessary Matri deum Mag]nae.

⁴⁰Carm. Saec. 13—24. Juno Lucina is named in the Severan proceedings at I 18 (Pighi, p. 141) and in its choral hymn (ibid., 222—224. on Va 63).

⁴¹Acta Lud. Quint., lines 74—75, on Pighi, 113. If the text were sound it might reveal a sacrifice, e. g. aram] Opis. There is no sign of Ops in the Severan proceedings.

⁴²Pighi (above, n. 23), 303; Hor. Carm. Saec. 29—32 (Tellus). See above, n. 39.

⁴³Ops might stand for Terra (Macr. Sat. 1. 10. 18—22) though the underlying notion is that of the Hellenic Rhea; see G. Wissowa, Religion and Kultus der Romer, 2nd ed. (Munich 1912) 203—204.

⁴⁴NdSc 1898, p. 64 = CIL VI 35404; marble slab from Tor di Nona that reads —rpocrati. See CAR I—I 72, p. 110. In the CIL the name is hesitantly taken as personal Ha]rpocrati[on, on the assumption that it might be a tombstone. Inscribed tombstones in this sector are plotted on CAR I—I 88, 96, 124.

⁴⁵See CIL VI 2796 = ILS 4372; cf. IGUR 177; CIL VI 31. The altar dedicated only to Isis and found in the remains of the Iseum of the Campus Martius bears a relief of Harpocrates and of Anubis. See H. Stuart Jones, Catalogue of the Museo Capitolino (Rome 1912), 359.

⁴⁶Both the drawing in NdSc 1890, p. 285, and the photograph published by Cavallaro (above, n. 21) permit a reading of I or R. Dessau, ILS 3090, proposed Pi[etati, hesitantly. Huelsen, CIL VI 30975. shows a clear part of an I or L.

⁴⁷CIL VI 8707 = ILS 4421. Although temple warders were otherwise normally imperial freedmen, the man or Galba himself may have had a special relationship to Isis if the name of Ser. Sulpicius Aug. l. Horus (CIL VI 26959) is significant.

⁴⁸Tib. 1. 3. 22—34, by no means a clear proof of Pelagia’s arrival.

⁴⁹I am referring to the so-called mole at Tor di Nona (see plan 2. 1; see D. Marchetti, NdSc 1890, p. 153 (notice, too, of a lead pipe inscribed with the name of Claudius); Bull. Comm. 1891, pp. 45—64 (with discussion of its serving the traffic in marbles); NdSc 1892, pp. 110—111. A recent discussion of the dock and its temple, attributed to Hercules, is that of E. La Rocca, La riva a mezzaluna (Rome 1984), 57—69. On a later nearby dock see below, sect. II. 9.

⁵⁰An Isis temple by the sea or a river port would seem appropriate. See Apul. Metam. 11. 5; Pausanias 2. 4. 7; R. Meiggs, Ostia, 2nd ed. (Oxford 1973), 368—370. In his restoration of the Iseum of the Campus Martius Domitian svmbolically linked the two famous rivers by installing two elaborate statues of the Nile (now in the Vatican) and of the Tiber (formerlv in the Vatican, now in the Louvre.) See P. P. Bober and R. Rubenstein, Renaissance Artists and Antique Sculpture, (Oxford 1986), 99—105, nos. 66—67, for the history of these pieces.

⁵¹Pighi (above, n. 23), 299—301; Hor. Carm. Saec. 25—28.

⁵²CIL VI 142 = ILS 3961. The name M. Aur[elius surely suggests a Severan date.

⁵³Pighi (above, n. 23), 33—62.

⁵⁴See Wissowa (above, n. 43) p. 313; ILS 3960—3968. Where a dedication for Dis Pater occurs, either Aeracura or Proserpina, never both, may also be met.

⁵⁵CIL VI 145 = 30701: Fatis Divinis C. Clod[ius—]anus/ ex viso vo[tu]m solvit.

⁵⁶See below, sect. II. 11.

⁵⁷See Cavallaro (above, n. 21), 157—163.

⁵⁸Cavallaro, p. 159, n. 56, considered and rejected geniis.

⁵⁹CIL XII 4333 = ILS 112.

⁶⁰CIL VI 445, 449, 451, 452, 30958; AE 1971, no. 34; cf. Ovid Fasti 5. 129—158. Also see below, nn. 61, 62 and 71.

⁶¹CIL XI 3076 = ILS 116: Genio Augusti et Ti. Caesaris, Iunoni Liviae Mystes l.

⁶²CIL VI 251 = 30724 = ILS 6080. Put up in A. D. 27 by a magister pagi. Also see K. De Ruggiero, Dizionario Epigrafico, vol. 3, pp. 458ff., for the Genius Augusti.

⁶³See Wissowa (above, n. 43), 179—180; De Ruggiero (above, n. 62), 467—468.

⁶⁴De Ruggiero (above, n. 62), 468.

⁶⁵See TLL, s. v. Genius, 1833, 66ff. See H. Mattingly, Coins of the Roman Empire in the British Museum vol. 4 (London 1968), 879—880 (of the index vol.). For an author’s mention we must wait for Cassiodorus Varia 1. 4. 1, 3. 6. 2 when the Senate counted for nothing in the Empire. (Compare the uncertain passage in Rut. Namat. Red. 1. 13—19.) The appearance of the Genius Senatus is dated as early as the Flavian dynasty by F. Beranger, “Les Génies du sénat et du Peuple Romain et les reliefs flaviens de la Cancelleria,” Principatus (Geneva, 1973), 399—410 and by H. Kunckel, Der römische Genius = Rom. Mitt. Suppl. vol. 20 (1974) pp. 37 ff., who base themselves on sculptural iconography. Explicit mention of the Genius Senatus is no older than Antoninus Pius unless my restoration be accepted.

⁶⁶Cavallaro, (above, n. 21), 163—173, discusses the term at length, partly in light of her understanding of her reading imperio] eius, senati populique.

⁶⁷See above, n. 59.

⁶⁸See above, n. 17 and below, n. 71, for references to other inscriptions marking compital eras, and Cavallaro (above, n. 21), 177—181. Probably Augustus founded this neighborhood in fact since the whole sector could have undergone building only after the establishment of flood control.

⁶⁹See above, sect. II. 2, and n. 17.

⁷⁰Cavallaro, ibid. The suggestion is Dessau’s.

⁷¹Cavallaro (above, n. 21), 173—177. Compare the application of the epithet augustus in these compital dedications, a selection from CIL VI: Aisculapio Augusto (12 =30684, year 31), Apollini Aug. (33, year 6), Mercurio Aug. (34, year 5), Apollini Aug. (35, year 52), Dianae Aug. (129, year 7), Mercurio Aug. (283, year 1; cf. 282). Herculi Tutatori Aug. (342 = 30743, year 32), Laribus Aug., Genis Caesarum (445, year 1), L. A. (446, 447, year 1), L. A. (448), L. A. et G. C. (449, year 92, making a foundation of 9 B. C.), L. A. (451, year at least 106 in AD 100), L. A. et G. C. (452, year 121 in A. D. 109), L. A. (30957), year 9), L. A. (36809, year 6), Statae Matri Aug. (764, year 2), S. M. A. (766, year 50), Volcano Quieto Aug. (801, year at least 50), V. Q. A. et S. M. A. (802, year 5), Veneri Aug. (AE 1980, n. 54, year 3, from the same man mentioned in 282, 283).

⁷²CIL VI 31073; CAR I—I, 59, p. 108. I assert its uniqueness by reference only to the computerized index of CIL VI, fasc. 7, where no other dedication has so bald a text.

⁷³See Cavallaro (above, n. 21), 149—152. The different cases strongly suggest a second and third occasion.

⁷⁴But see above on line 7.

⁷⁵See Wissowa (above, n. 43), 131—132; E. Norden, Aus altroemischen Priesterbuechern. Acta Reg. Soc. Hum. Litt. Lundensis 29 (1939): 204—213.

⁷⁶On the altars of the Underworld pair see Zosimus 2. 1—5, Val. Max. 2. 4. 5. Festus, 440 L.; for the temporary altars recorded in the inscribed Severan proceedings see III 69, Va 47, Va 53—54, (Pighi, 154, 162, 163).

⁷⁷Acta, lines 100—101, Pighi, p. 114. Earlier than the structures for the Augustan Secular Games was a temporary stadium built by Julius Caesar in the Campus Martius for athlete contests (Suet. Jul. 39. 3—4). Its location is unknown. Otherwise, for the spate of theater building in this era see the survey of G. Bejor, “L’edificio teatrale nell’ urbanizzazione augustea, " Athenaeum, 57 (1979): 126—138.

⁷⁸Acta, line 108, Pighi, 115.

⁷⁹Acta, lines 156—162, Pighi, 118.

⁸⁰Acta, lines 153—154, Pighi, 118.

⁸¹Acta Va 57 (Pighi, 164); also restored at III 59—60 (Pighi, 153), IV 3 (Pighi, 155).

⁸²Acta Va 37, Va 43—46, VII 9 (Pighi, 160, 161—162, 170) for the three theaters. For the wooden theater alone see Va 77 (Pighi, 167). Although not presenting the “honorary” plays the theater of Marcellus seems to have been the site of another activity; see III 33 on Pighi, p. 151.

⁸³Acta, Va 38—43, Pighi, 160—161.

⁸⁴Acta, Va 77—83, Pighi, 167—168. Just as the horse leapers were presented in this temporary circus by Augustus (Acta, line 154) so, too, the Severi (Va 79—83, every instance restored to the text) also presented them. Pighi, 184, takes the hesitant (videtur) view that the Severan temporary circus was constructed for the occasion at the permanent Circus Maximus! A mode of coals to Newcastle, I suppose.

⁸⁵In the last place see La Rocca (above, n. 41), 43—56, also see I. S. Ryberg, Rites of the State Religion in Roman Art. MAAR 22 (1955): 174—177. Cf. P. di Manzano, “Note sulla monetazione dei Ludi secolari dell’ 88 d. C.” Bull. Comm. 89 (1984): 297—304.

⁸⁶Jer. Chron. a. Abr. 2262: regnantibus Philippis millesimus annus Romanae urbis expletus est; ob quam solemnitatem innumerabites bestiae in Circo Magno interfectae, ludique theatrales in Campo Aris per noctem tribus diebus celebrati sunt. See Pighi (above n. 23), 90—94 for the other evidence for these games; Castagnoli (above, n. 12), 146.

Sacred to the eternal god Jupiter, Juno Regina, Minerva, Sol, Luna, Apollo, Diana, Fortuna, Juno Lucina, Ops, Isis Pelagia and the Divine Fates. May things be good, propitious, and lucky for the Imperator Caesar Augustus, his Genius and that of the Senate and Roman people and for all peoples. With the ninth year going well, when Gaius Caesar and Lucius Paullus were consuls, L. Lucretius Zethus, freedman of Lucius, established this august altar at the command of Jupiter.