Original: marble, after 14 CE.
H. 34.2, W. 63.5, D. 44 cm.
CIL X 7501 = ILS 121. Inv. No. MCR 295.Rome, Museum of Roman CivilizationPhoto by Olga Lyubimova
Base of a statue of Livia, worshipped as the goddess Cerera.
Original: marble, after 14 CE.
H. 34.2, W. 63.5, D. 44 cm.
CIL X 7501 = ILS 121.
Rome, Museum of Roman Civilization
(Roma, Museo della civiltà romana).
To Ceres Julia Augusta, the wife of divine Augustus, the mother of Tiberius Caesar Augustus, Lutatia, the daughter of Gaius, the priestess of Augusta for life, the wife of Marcus Livius Optatus, the son of Marcus, from the Quirina tribe, the flamen of Julia Augusta for life, with five children (or with her children or with husband and children) consecrated at her own expense.
(The restoration and translanion are given according to the conjectures of J. Guey).
p.774 CIL. X. 7501. statuam muliebrem vestitam, sine manibus et capite, optimae aetatis, superpositam titulo n. 7506, ad hunc potius pertinuisse videri ait Lvpi. Gauli ad aedes Iacobi Siraci ad fundamenta Gvalt.; in un vicolaccio dei castello rasente a terra Lvpi. Hodie Maltae in museo.
G. Wilmanns descripsit. Gualterus n. 276 = 349 (inde Mur. 222, 3); Ciantar de Paulo in Melitam eiecto p. 354; Lupi qui vidit a. 1735 lettere (1753) p. 60 (inde Torremuzza Sic. IV, 3 adhibito in ed. 2 apographo comitis de Bork Poloni), omnes parum bene. Orelli 618.
5. 7 IMP · PERPET utroque loco in litura legitur. — 6 fin. aut sic aut GAuL in lapide esse adnotat Wilm. — Cereri Iuliae Augustae divi Augusti, matri Ti. Caesaris Augusti, Lutatia C. f. sacerdos Augustae imperatoris perpetui, uxor M. Livi M. f. Qui. Optati flaminis Caulitanorum Iuliae Augusti imperatoris perpetui, cum viro et vel cum quinque liberis sua pecunia consacravit. De imperatoris perpetui appellatione hoc solo loco reperta (cf. Florus in fine), sed per se proba, dixi Staatsrecht 22 p. 770. Quod commendavit Wilmannsius in perpetuum, mihi non probatur, cum ne imperpetuum quidem iustis testimoniis bonae aetatis defendatur.
p.34 ILS. 121 Cereri1 Iuliae Augustae | divi Augusti, matri | Ti. Caesaris Augusti, | Lutatia C. f. sacerdos Augustae | imp. perpet.2, uxor | M. Livi M. | f. Qui. Optati, flaminis Gaul. | Iuliae Augusti imp. perpet.2, cum V | liberis3 s. p. consacravit.
Gauli (Gozzo) rep., nunc Maltae (X 7501).
1Ceres dicitur Livia, more Graeco.
2imp. perpet. vocabula postmodum in locum aliorum vocabulorum erasorum intrusa; videtur perpet. vocabulum coniungendum esse non cum imp. sed cum sacerdos et flaminis.
3cum quinque liberis, aut: cum viro et liberis.
Entre la mort d’Auguste et celle de Livie (14—
Cereri Iuliae Augustae | Divi Augusti (uxori), matri | Tiberi Caesaris Augusti, Lutatia, Cai filia, sacerdos (Iuliae) Augustae Imperatoris perpetui uxoris, uxor | Marci Livi, Marci fili, Quirina (tribu), Optati, flaminis Gaulitanorum | Iuliae Augusti Imperatoris perpetui uxoris cum suis | liberis sua pecunia consacravit.
La «donatrice» est prêtresse et son mari flamine de Livie, devenue Iulia Augusta4. Première anomalie: à sacerdos (Iuliae) Augustae (ligne 4), répond flamen Iuliae Augusti: (ligne 6—
Cette lecture aurait l’avantage de faire disparaître tout ensemble les deux premières anomalies que nous avons signalées; elle supprimerait aussi la meilleure raison qui avait fait admettre la troisième. Je ne sais si l’imperator perpetuus trouvera désormais beaucoup de défenseurs; pour achever de le rendre indésirable, ajoutons que le texte de Florus allégué par Mommsen dictus imperator perpetuus et pater patriae6 doit se lire dictator perpetuus et pater patriae7.
Resterait à expliquer IMP PERPET. Pourquoi ne pas en revenir à l’explication de Wilmanns? Peut-être les lettres IMP PERPET ne sont-elles qu’une faute d’orthographe, d’ailleurs intéressante8, pour IN PERPET, prononcé par assimilation im perpet (cf. im pace attesté si souvent sur les monuments chrétiens). La donatrice et son mari seraient devenus p.76 sacerdos, flamen in perpetuum1 (seconde rédaction), au lieu par exemple de flamen annuus2, sacerdos annua (?) qu’ils auraient été dans cette hypothèse au moment de la première rédaction. Il faudrait donc rayer de la titulature de l’empereur le titre que, de prime abord, paraissaient désigner les lettres IMP PERPET et restituer à la prêtrise et au flaminat de deux provinciaux le caractère de perpétuité que l’on doit sans doute refuser à la «puissance impériale» d’Auguste.
1Salle IX, 22.
2CIL., X, 7501 = Dessau, Insc. lat. sel., 121.
3D’après le moulage, nous substituons GAVL à GaVL (l. 6) et nous ajoutons SVïs à la fin de la ligne 7.
4L’Augusta mentionuée l. 4 est forcément Julia Augusta, la seule princesse qui eût alors ce titre (14—
1Th. Mommsen, Le droit public romain, II, 2 (Manuel des Ant. Rom., Mommsen-Marquardt, V), p. 58 et note 1.
2Florus, II, 38 (sub fine).
3Wilmanns, apud Mommsen, CIL., X, p. 774.
4Dessau, Insc. lat. sel., II, p. 34.
5La pierre est assez fruste; M. C. Pietrangeli a sans doute lu, lui aussi, AVGVSTAE, puisque les lettres AE (et non I) ont été marquées à la peinture rouge (j’ai pu toucher le moulage).
6Ed. Halm (coll. Teubner), 1878. p. 105.
7Ed. Rossbach (coll. Teubner), 1896, p 182; éd. Forster (Loeb classical Library), 1929, p. 350.
8Elle prouve que ce lapicide, sans se soucier du sens général de l’inscription, a rapproché seulement le titre Imperator de l’adjectif perpetuus par analogie peut-être avec dictator perpetuus. Mais cette association d’idées d’un lapicide provincial établit-elle vraiment l’existence officielle d’un titre imperator perpetuus?
1Flamen in perpetuum = flamen perpetuus; cf. CIL., II, 194: flamini Iulìae Augustae in perpetum (sic); pour sacerdos perpetuus, cf. l’analogie très lointaine de CIL., XIII, 1751, perpetuitas sacerdoti(i).
2Cf. peut-être CIL., VIII, 1888 et Gsell, Recherches arch. en Algérie, p. 335, n° 457, flamen annuus.
p.155
Cereri. Iuliae. Avgvstae.
Divi. Avgvsti. Matri.
Ti. Caesaris. Avgvsti.
Lvtatia. C. F. Sacerdos. Avgvstae.2
Imp. Perpet.3 Vxor.4
M. Livi.5 M. F. Qvi. Optati. Flaminis. Gavl.6
Ivliae. Avgvsti. Imp. Perpet.3 Cvm.7 V.
Liberis S. P.8 Consacravit.
Cereri Iuliae Augustae, Divi Augusti, matri Tiberii Caesaris Augusti, Lutatia, Caii filia, sacerdos Augustae, imperatoris perpetui, uxor Marci Livi, Marci filii, Quirina tribu, Optati Flaminis Gauli, Iuliae Augusti, imperatoris perpetui, cum V liberis sua pecunia consacravit.
To Ceres Julia Augusta9, (wife) of the Divine Augustus10, mother of Tiberius Caesar Augustus11, Lutatia, daughter of Caius (and) priestess of p.156 Augusta12, (wife) of the imperator perpetuus13, wife of Marcus Livius Optatus, son of Marcus, of the Quirine Tribe, (and) Flamen of Gaulos; to Julia, (wife) of Augustus, imperator perpetuus, has consecrated together with her five children at her own expense.
What is the date of the inscription?
We read in the inscription that Lutatia, priestess of Augusta, consecrated something to Julia Augusta, who is identified with the goddess Ceres. Julia Augusta is Livia Drusilla, the second wife of the Emperor Augustus and the mother of the second Roman Emperor, Tiberius, by an earlier marriage with Tiberius Claudius Nero. As long as Augustus was alive, his second wife, whom he had married on the 17 August 38 B. C., bore her father’s name — Livia. It was only after the Emperor’s death on the 19 August 14 A. D. that Livia, on the strength of her husband’s will, was adopted into the Julian family and changed her name to Julia14. In his will Augustus had laid down that Livia and Tiberius should both adopt the name of Augusta and Augustus respectively15. Henceforth Livia was known as Iulia Augusta or simply as Augusta. Similarly Livia’s son, Tiberius, who had already borne the name Caesar when he was adopted by Augustus in 4 A. D., on the latter’s decease, took on the name Augustus. Furthermore by vote of the Senate the dead Emperor became Divus Augustus or Divine Augustus, a temple was voted in his honour and a priesthood (sodales Augustales) was set up to look after his cult16. In our inscription Livia is called Iulia Augusta, Tiberius Augustus and Augustus Divus, There can be no doubt, therefore, that our inscription is posterior to Augustus’s death, i. e. after 19 August 14 A. D.
Livia died at the ripe age of eighty-five in A. D. 29. The Emperor Tiberius did not attend his mother’s funeral and was opposed to her deification17. It was not until 42 A. D. that, at the instigation of the Emperor Claudius, she was voted a goddess18. She was thus the second Roman woman to be addressed with the official title of Diva (Divine), the first p.157 being Julia Drusilla, the twenty-one year old sister of the Emperor Caligula, who was consecrated in 38 A. D. In the Ceres inscription Livia is not called Diva, which means that the inscription precedes her apotheosis in 42 A. D. Unfortunately there are no more details which help us to determine the date with greater accuracy. All we can say is that the inscription is certainly not earlier than August 14 A. D. and not later than 42 A. D. All the same since Tiberius had vetoed his mother’s consecration and reduced the honours which the Senate had decreed19 it is very probable that after her death Livia’s cult suffered a setback and that, therefore, Lutatia’s offering anticipates her death in 29 A. D. So it probably belongs to the period 14—
Julius Caesar, the real founder of the Roman Empire, was worshipped as Divus Iulius (Divine Julius) after his death. Octavian, who had been adopted by Caesar, assumed in his lifetime the title of Divi filius or Son of Divine (Julius). In 27 B. C., on the proposition of Munatius Plancus, Octavian received from the Senate the religious title of Augustus, which means “something that goes beyond the human realm and draws near to the divine”21. Poets of the Augustan period, notably Vergil and Horace22, called the Emperor a god. Augustus, however, tactfully rejected divine honours for himself in his lifetime and initiated the custom by which only the dead ruler could become a god in the Roman state cult23. The divine worship of the Emperor and his family never secured a foothold in Rome whilst the Emperor was alive24. In the provinces, however, and in the Italian communities things were different: emperor-worship, if not exactly encouraged was at least tolerated. In several parts of the Greek and Western world Augustus was revered as a god in his own lifetime and temples dedicated to Augustus and to Rome were erected everywhere. The Emperor was identified with Jupiter, Mercury, Apollo and the other gods. The imperial cult in the provinces was extended to members of the Emperor’s household. Julia, the daughter of Augustus, was venerated as Aphrodite and Gaius Caesar as the New Ares25.
p.158 Whilst Augustus was alive his wife Livia was venerated as a goddess; but it was only after his deification that her cult received a fresh impetus. Artists in all parts of the Empire adorned her statues with the attributes of Venus, Juno or Ceres. Roman traders who travelled across Asia to the Chinese silk markets took presents to the rajahs of Afghanistan of medallions bearing the portrait of a rejuvenated Augusta wearing the crown and a veil of a goddess26. In A. D. 23 the province of Asia was allowed to erect a temple to Tiberius, Livia and the Senate27. On the island of Samos Livia had a temple and a priestess28. Likewise in Gozo she had a priestess — Augustae sacerdos — charged with the task of looking after her cult. In Gozo she was identified with Ceres29. An inscription bearing the word Λίβιας (of Livia), which had been discovered in Malta30, may, perhaps, refer to Augustus’s wife. Another inscription recently unearthed by the Italian Archaeological Mission contains the words Aug. imp. and the name M. f. Optatus, that is the selfsame words which appear in the Ceres inscription31. If Aug. stands for Augusta, then, perhaps, this last inscription bears witness to the existence of the cult of Livia in Malta.
Ceres was the goddess of corn and as such was worshipped in corn-producing areas. This inscription indirectly records the growing of corn in Gozo. In the first century A. D. Chrestion restored the temple of Proserpina in Malta32. Proserpina too was connected with the growing of corn, Ceres, like Demeter, was also a deity related to the Mother-Earth, which “makes all life spring from her bosom”33. Hence the cult of the Mother-Earth, represented in Malta and Gozo by the fertility cults which go back to early antiquity, makes its reappearance or is perhaps continued in the cult of Ceres.
Livia’s priestess was Lutatia, the daughter of Caius. The name Lutatia indicates that she was somehow connected with the plebeian family of the Lutatii. In conformity with Roman usage, Lutatia, being a woman, p.159 retained only one name34, that of her father. In accordance with the Roman law of agnation the wife was considered a member of her father’s, not of her husband’s family. This explains why Lutatia and her husband M. Livius Optatus had completely different names. Roman laws governing marriages seem to have been followed in Gozo in the first century after Christ.
Lutatia consecrated something to Julia Augusta. It could not have been the customary offering to Ceres which she, as Livia’s priestess, was expected to make from time to time: there would have been no real reason to commemorate such an event in an inscription. It must have been a statue (signum) or an altar (ara)35. The consecration was valid only if it was made with the permission of the Gozitan community. The expenses in this case were met by Lutatia herself. Her children helped her in the religious ceremony just as the camilli helped the Flamen Dialis. Before the word liberis (children) there is the letter V which would either stand for viro (husband) or else for the number Five36. If V stand for viro and in that case it would be necessary to interpose et (and) (her husband and her children), then Lutaria was aided by her husband, who was a priest himself. If on the other hand V stands for five, then Lutaria had her reasons for including that number in the inscription. Augustus had been obsessed by the falling birth-rate in Rome. In 19—
Lutatia’s husband was Marcus Livius Optatus. The name of his father — Caius — is also inscribed: which indicates that Marcus Livius was neither a slave nor a freedman38. As a free-born person he was allowed to record the fact that he belonged to the Quirine Tribe. He was also a flamen — a position reserved to free-born citizens. On the other hand the cognomen Optatus is of servile origin. Marcus Livius was at one time p.160 probably adopted into the Livian family, of which Livia, Augustus’s wife was the most illustrious representative. Perhaps an ancestor of his had once been a freedman and had, perhaps, a Greek name like ᾿Εραστός which was changed to Optatus.
From a historical point of view the most important piece of information is that he was the Flamen of Gozo (Flamen GaulI). In Roman religion the flamen39 was a priest of a particular deity40. Wearing the toga with a purple edge (praetexta) and a tight-fitting head-gear (galerus) on which stood a small rod (apex) the flamen offerred the customary sacrifice to the god which he represented. In Rome there were three major Flamines and twelve minor ones. When Julius Caesar died and became a god he was voted a flamen. When Augustus died, and was consecrated his wife Livia became his chief priestess.
In the provinces it was the flamen who officiated in the name of a community. Although there is no word like Augustalis or Augusti after flamen there can be no doubt that Optatus was a Flamen of Augustus in Gozo. He was responsible for the imperial cult on that island. Furthermore the flamen was attached to either a colonia — a community of Romans or Italians who had settled down together in a given place — or a municipium — a self-governing community41. As we learn from later inscriptions42 Gozo was not a colonia but a municipium. This seems to indicate that the municipium in Gozo existed in the first half of the first century after Christ.
The flamen became the most important personage in a municipium. Only rich people could afford to reach that position. Once installed as flamen he was expected to pay a fixed sum of money (summa legitima) and to take part in the most important religious ceremonies. Though he was elected annually, it seems, by the decuriones — the representatives of the municipium — he retained the title of flamen for life43.
The Ceres inscription is very important for the religious history of Gozo. In the first half of the first century A. D. there was in Gozo the imperial cult. Optatus was responsible for the worship of Augustus on the island and Lutatia was a priestess who looked after Livia’s cult. Livia p.161 is identified with Ceres — which indicates that the goddess Ceres had been worshipped in Gozo. The cult of Ceres presupposes an agricultural community. The inscription also shows that the ‘Romanization’ of the island was well under way. The presence of a flamen probably points to the existence of a municipium. The inscription is in Latin, whilst another inscription dealing with the worship of Augustus in Malta44 is in Greek. The name of the priestess of Livia is Roman and so is that of the flamen of Augustus. Finally Roman customs were being followed in Gozo in the first half of the first century after Christ.
1For this inscription cf. F. Abela, Descrittione di Malta, Malta, 1647, p. 215; O. Brès, Malta antica illustrata, Roma, 1810, p. 251; A. Caruana, Report on Phoenician, Greek and Roman Antiquities, Malta, 1882, p. 137; id. Frammento Critico, p. 290; Ruggiero, Dizionario epigrafico di antichità Romane, Vol. III, 1895—
2Avgvs Abela, Brès; Avgvstal Caruana.
3The two words are bracketed by Dessau and Ehrenberg.
4Omitted by Abela and Brès. The latter adds Ti. Imp. after Perpet.
5M. Ivlio Abela, Brès.
6Omitted by Abela, Brès and Caruana.
7Omitted by Abela, Brès and Caruana.
8sibi Abela; suis Brès.
9In Latin inscriptions the name of the goddess with whom Julia Augusta was identified was placed first. Cf. V. Ehrenberg, op. cit. No. 127: Iunoni Liviae, To Juno Livia. In Greek inscriptions the name of the goddess comes after the name of Julia Augusta, Cf. V. Ehrenberg, op. cit. No. 129: Julia Augusta Hestia.
10The husband’s name in the genitive was usually added to the wife’s name to make identification easier. Cf. Ehrenberg, op. cit. No. 127: Iunoni Liviae Augusti, To Juno Livia (wife) of Augustus.
11A Greek inscription reproduces almost the same words: Cf. V. Ehrenberg, op. cit. 89.
12In Pompei a priestess of Ceres was called Clodia M. f. Id., No. 327.
13Under the Republic a general after his triumph lost his imperium and the title of imperator, Augustus remained imperator and hence his title of (imperator) perpetuus or permanent general. On the meaning of imperator cf. Gilbert Charles Picard, Augustus and Nero, London, 1966, pp. VII—
14Cf. Tacitus, Annales, I, VIII: Nihil primo senatus die passus nisi de supremis Augusti, cuius testamentum… Tiberium et Liviam haeredes habuit. Livia in familiam Iuliam nomenque Augustum adsumebatur.
15Cf. Tacitus, ibid; Suetonius, Divus Augustus, 201.
16Cf. Tacitus, Annales, V, 2; Suetonius, Div. Aug.
17Cf. Tacitus, ibid; Suetonius, Tiberius, 51.
18Cf. Suetonius, Claudius, 11, 2; Cassius Dio, 60, 5, 2.
19Cf. Tacitus, Annales, V, 2.
20This is also the opinion of Michelangelo Cagiano de Azevedo, cf. Missione Archeologica a Malta, Campagna di Scavi, 1968, Rinvenimenti vari, Roma, 1969, p. 79.
21Cf. F. Atlheim, A History of Roman Religion, London, 1938, p. 368.
22Cf. Vergil, Eclogues, I, 6—
23Cf. F. Altheim, op. cit. p. 360 and p. 444.
24Cf. Tacitus, Annales, 15, 74: deum honor principi non ante habetur quam agere inter homines desierit.
25Cf. Documents illustrating the Reigns of Augustus and Tiberius, collected by Ehrenberg and Jones, Oxford, 1955, No. 63, 64.
26Cf. Gilbert Charles Picard, op. cit. pp. 80—
27Cf. V. Ehrenberg, op. cit. No. 124, 126, 128—
28Id. No. 102; R. E. Vol. XIII, I, 1926, p. 917.
29For coins bearing the legend Avgvsta Ceres, cf. E. Mary Smallwood, Documents illustrating the Principates of Gaius, Claudius and Nero, C. U. P., 1967, No. 129, 312a, 312b.
30Cf. A. Caruana, Report etc. p. 138; Vassallo, Monumenti antichi di Malta, p. 38.
31Cf. Michelangelo Cagiano de Azevedo, op. cit. p. 79.
32Cf. C. I. L. No. 7494; Dessau, Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae, Vol. II, I p. 122, No. 3975.
33Cf. F. Altheim, op. cit. p. 120.
34Cf. V. Ehrenberg, op. cit. No. 327: Clodia A. F. sacerdos.
35Cf. Festus, 321; Gallus Aelius ait, sacrum esse quodcumque more atque instituto civitatis consecratum sit, sive aedis, sive ara sive signum sive locus sive pecunia sive quid alius quod dis dedicatum atque consecratum sit.
36Cf. C. I. L. No. 7501. Cf. also V. Ehrenberg, op. cit. no. 43B: Iano Aug. sacrum C. Iulius… cum liberis posuit.
37Cf. J. P. V. D. Balsdon, Roman Women, London, 1962, p. 202.
38Cf. A. M. Duff, Freedmen in the Early Roman Empire, Cambridge, 1958, p. 52.
39The word seems to be connected with the Indian Brahman. Cf. Ernout-Maillet, Dictionnaire étymologique de la langue latine.
40Cf. Cicero, De Legibus, II, 8, 20: Omnibus divis pontifices, singulis flamines sunto.
41Cf. J. Gagé, Les classes sociales dans L’Empire Romain, Paris, 1964, p. 173.
42Cf. C. I. L. No. 7507, 7508.
43Cf. Dictionnaire des antiquites grecques el romaines, Vol. XIII, p. 1868. Also J. Gagé, op. cit. p. 173.
44Cf. Kaibel, Inscriptiones Graecae, Vol. XIV, p. 142, No. 601.
p.178 34) CIL. X.2. 7501: Cereri Iuliae Augustae | divi Augusti, matri | Ti. Caesaris Augusti, | Lutatia C. f. sacerdos Augustae | imperatoris perpetui, uxor | M. Livi M. f. Qui. Optati flaminis Gaulitanorum | Iuliae Augusti imperatoris perpetui, cum viro et vel cum quinque | liberis sua pecunia consacravit.
ILS. 121.
AE. 1938. 110.
Guey J. Une Exposition de la «Romanité» [Mostra Augustea della Romanità. Catalogo] // Journal des savants. 1938. P. 74—
Cagiano de Azevedo M. Frammento di una iscrizione latina dal Fanum Iunonis Melitense // RAL. Vol. 24. 1969. P. 156—
Busuttil J. The Ceres Inscription // Journal of the Faculty of Arts. Vol. 5. 1972. P. 155—
Bruno B. L’arcipelago maltese in età romana e bizantina. Attività economiche e scambi al centro del Mediterraneo. Bari, 2004. P. 20, 56—
Pirino E.A. Corpus inscriptionum Melitensium: storia e istituzioni delle isole maltesi attraverso la documentazione epigrafica. Tesi di dottorato (XVII ciclo). Università degli Studi di Sassari, 2003—
Bonanno A. Malta, Phoenician, Punic, and Roman. Malta, 2005. P. 173—
Cassia M. L’arcipelago maltese sotto il dominio romano // Malta in the Hybleans, the Hybleans in Malta. Malta negli Iblei, gli Iblei a Malta / Ed. A. Bonanno, P. Militello. Palermo, 2008. P. 140, 149,159, 164, 178.
Text of the description: museum label.
Text of the description: CIL. X. 7501.
Text of the description: ILS. 121.
Text of the description: Guey J. Une Exposition de la «Romanité» [Mostra Augustea della Romanità. Catalogo] // Journal des savants. 1938. P. 74—76.
Text of the description: Busuttil J. The Ceres Inscription // Journal of the Faculty of Arts. Vol. 5. 1972. P. 155—161.
Text of the description: Cassia M. L’arcipelago maltese sotto il dominio romano // Malta in the Hybleans, the Hybleans in Malta. Malta negli Iblei, gli Iblei a Malta / Ed. A. Bonanno, P. Militello. Palermo, 2008. P. 140, 149,159, 164, 178.